Marxist Democracy

Democracy is exploited by the Marxists to paralyse their opponents and put their own methods into action.

Our parliamentary quacks represent the white race. Their mental capacity is inferior.

Yet they are shrewd enough to know that they cannot use Western Democracy to fight a doctrine for the advance of which Western Democracy, with all its accessories, is employed as a means to an end.

Marxists make people believe that they are inseparably attached to the principles of democracy, as the majority vote.

Such was the case when the bourgeois parliamentarians were so shortsighted. They believed that the Reich’s security was guaranteed because it had an overwhelming majority.

The Marxists grasped supreme power, backed by a mob of loafers, deserters, political place-hunters and Jewish dilettanti.

That was a blow in the face for that democracy in which so many parliamentarians believed.

Only those credulous parliamentary wizards who represented bourgeois democracy could have believed that the brutal determination of those whose interest it is to spread the Marxist world-pest, of which they are the carriers, could for a moment, now or in the future, be held in check by the magical formulas of Western Parliamentarianism.

Marxism will march shoulder to shoulder with democracy until it succeeds indirectly in securing for its own criminal purposes even the support of those whose minds are nationally orientated and whom Marxism strives to exterminate.

But if the Marxists should one day come to believe that there was a danger that from this witch’s cauldron of our parliamentary democracy a majority vote might be concocted, which by reason of its numerical majority would be empowered to enact legislation and might use that power seriously to combat Marxism, then the whole parliamentarian hocus-pocus would be at an end.

Instead of appealing to the democratic conscience, the standard bearers of the Red International would immediately send forth a furious rallying-cry among the proletarian masses and the ensuing fight would not take place in the sedate atmosphere of Parliament but in the factories and the streets. Then democracy would be annihilated forthwith.

What the intellectual prowess of the apostles who represented the people in Parliament had failed to accomplish would now be successfully carried out by the crow-bar and the sledge-hammer of the exasperated proletarian masses–just as in the autumn of 1918.

At a blow they would awaken the bourgeois world to see the madness of thinking that the Jewish drive towards world-conquest can be effectually opposed by means of Western Democracy.

As I have said, only a very credulous soul could think of binding himself to observe the rules of the game when he has to face a player for whom those rules are nothing but a mere bluff or a means of serving his own interests, which means he will discard them when they prove no longer useful for his purpose.

All the parties that profess so-called bourgeois principles look upon political life as in reality a struggle for seats in Parliament. The moment their principles and convictions are of no further use in that struggle they are thrown overboard, as if they were sand ballast.

The programmes are constructed in such a way that they can be dealt with in like manner. But such practice has a correspondingly weakening effect on the strength of those parties.

They lack the great magnetic force which alone attracts the broad masses; for these masses always respond to the compelling force which emanates from absolute faith in the ideas put forward, combined with an indomitable zest to fight for and defend them.

At a time in which the one side, armed with all the fighting power that springs from a systematic conception of life–even though it be criminal in a thousand ways–makes an attack against the established order the other side will be able to resist when it draws its strength from a new faith, which in our case is a political faith. This faith must supersede the weak and cowardly command to defend.

In its stead we must raise the battle-cry of a courageous and ruthless attack.

The national bourgeois cabinet ministers are the Bavarian representatives of the Centre.

They accuse our movement of heading towards a revolution.

We reply: We are making up for that which you, in your criminal stupidity, have failed to carry out.

By your parliamentarian jobbing you have helped to drag the nation into ruin.

By our aggressive policy, we are setting up a new WELTANSCHAUUNG which we shall defend with indomitable devotion.

And so during the first stages of founding our movement, we had to take special care that our militant group which fought for the establishment of a new and exalted political faith should not degenerate into a society for the promotion of parliamentarian interests.

The first preventive measure was to lay down a programme which of itself would tend towards developing a certain moral greatness that would scare away all the petty and weakling spirits who make up the bulk of our present party politicians.

Those fatal defects which finally led to Germany’s downfall afford the clearest proof of how right we were in considering it absolutely necessary to set up programmatic aims which were sharply and distinctly defined.

Because we recognized the defects above mentioned, we realized that a new conception of the State had to be formed, which in itself became a part of our new conception of life in general.